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Autor/inn/enWhitehurst, Grover J.; Reeves, Richard V.; Rodrigue, Edward
InstitutionCenter on Children and Families at Brookings
TitelSegregation, Race, and Charter Schools: What Do We Know?
Quelle(2016), (72 Seiten)
PDF als Volltext Verfügbarkeit 
Spracheenglisch
Dokumenttypgedruckt; online; Monographie
SchlagwörterSchool Segregation; Racial Discrimination; Charter Schools; School Policy; Educational History; Civil Rights Legislation; Court Litigation; United States History; Racial Bias; School Districts; African American Students; White Students; Hispanic American Students; Asian American Students; Public Schools; Rural Schools; Urban Schools; Suburban Schools; Socioeconomic Status; Family Income; Poverty; Racial Differences; Enrollment; Traditional Schools; Racial Composition; Educational Policy; Academic Achievement; Intervention; Access to Education; Educational Quality; Student Diversity; Achievement Gains; Longitudinal Studies; Correlation; Geographic Location; Elementary Secondary Education
AbstractThis report compares various measures of school segregation and reviews research findings on the extent of school segregation, trends in school segregation over time, and the relationship between academic achievement and segregation by income and race. The role of school quality in mediating and moderating the associations between school segregation and academic achievement is examined through observational and experimental research findings. Findings include: (1) there are a number of ways of measuring segregation for different groups, and geographical scales. Scholars studying segregation often use different indices, define their groups in different ways, and use different areas as the basis for assessing schools. It is important to be clear which particular aspect of segregation is the focus of any inquiry. Policymakers in particular need to be very careful in the way they use and interpret empirical results; (2) in terms of historical trends, school segregation within school districts declined sharply in the 1960s and 1970s, following civil rights legislation and court-ordered integration. A previously separate school system for black and white students became more integrated, especially in the South. But while the extent of racial segregation within school districts declined, segregation between school districts increased slightly over the same general period, in part because of "white flight" to suburban school districts; (3) the diversification of schools in recent decades has been largely driven by an increase in the Hispanic and Asian American populations. Only half of the students currently enrolled in public schools are white, compared to four in five in 1968. There has inevitably been a steep drop in the number of majority-white schools, to just below 60 percent. This renders measures of segregation based on attendance at "majority-white" schools less instructive. Both black and white students have become much more likely to share classrooms with Hispanics, but, since the 1980s, only marginally more likely to share classrooms with each other. Segregation strongly reflects local demographics and housing patterns. For example, rural and suburban schools are more heterogeneous than urban schools; (4) school segregation by family income (as distinct from race) is also at high levels and has increased since 1990, both within and between school districts. Race and economic status are of course correlated. Black students are four times as likely to be in a high-poverty school as a low-poverty one; for whites, the ratio is the other way round; (5) charter schools, which are open enrollment public schools managed outside the framework of the traditional school district, are generally more racially and economically segregated than traditional public schools. In particular, charter schools often enroll more black and poor students than traditional public schools in the same areas, and are more likely to be at one extreme or the other of racial and economic composition than traditional public schools. But there is significant variation between different cities and school districts; (6) it is difficult to disentangle the effects of race and poverty because they are correlated. Much of the research that examines the impact of school segregation on student outcomes confounds race and family income. But because most black families are not poor and most poor families are not black, and because government integration policies based on family income can pass legal muster whereas those based on race cannot, it is important to try to understand the effects of racial vs. economic school segregation on student outcomes (7) differences among schools in racial composition are associated with small but still meaningful differences in student achievement. However, the effect of racial composition on student achievement is primarily expressed though the correlation of race and family socioeconomic status. Thus, considering only school-level variables, it is poverty rather than race per se that impacts the achievement of students attending a school; (8) interventions that involve providing low-income and minority students with greater access to schools that are higher performing and more diverse (through school choice or housing policy) demonstrate positive impacts that appear to be mediated by the quality of schools rather than their racial composition; and (9) charter schools with a strong academic focus and "no-excuses" philosophy that serve poor black students in urban areas stand as contradictions to the general association between school-level poverty and academic achievement. These very high-poverty, high-minority schools produce achievement gains that are substantially greater than the traditional public schools in the same catchment areas. This is further evidence that school quality is a primary mediator of academic achievement rather than the racial or economic makeup of a school's student body. (ERIC).
AnmerkungenCenter on Children and Families at Brookings. 1775 Massachusetts Avenue NW, Washington, DC 20036. Tel: 202-797-6069; Fax: 202-797-2968; e-mail: ccf@brookings.edu; Web site: https://www.brookings.edu/center/center-on-children-and-families/
Erfasst vonERIC (Education Resources Information Center), Washington, DC
Update2020/1/01
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